Apple Censors Dalai Lama IPhone Apps in China

Owen Fletcher, IDG News Service
Dec 30, 2009 11:40 am

Apple appears to have blocked iPhone applications related to the Dalai Lama in its China App Store, making it the latest U.S. technology company to censor its services in China.

Those apps, which appear in most countries' versions of the App Store, do not currently appear in the Chinese version. Another app related to Rebiya Kadeer, who like the Dalai Lama is an exiled minority leader reviled by China's authorities, is unavailable in the China App Store as well. The apparent censorship comes after carrier China Unicom launched iPhone sales two months ago, making regulatory approval of the phone's contents in the country necessary for the first time.

"We continue to comply with local laws," Apple spokeswoman Trudy Muller said in an e-mail when asked about the missing apps. "Not all apps are available in every country"

At least five iPhone apps related to the Dalai Lama are unavailable in the China store. Some of those apps -- named Dalai Quotes, Dalai Lama Quotes and Dalai Lama Prayerwheel -- display inspirational quotes from the Tibetan spiritual leader. Another, Paging Dalai Lama, tells users where he is currently teaching. A fifth app, Nobel Laureates, contains information about Nobel Prize winners including the Dalai Lama.

Test searches done on four out of five iPhones displayed at the Apple Store in Beijing this month returned no results for the term "Dalai." The apps also did not appear for searches done with a computer on iTunes after switching the country selection in the program to China. One of the iPhones at the Apple Store did display the Dalai Lama apps, though it was unclear why.

Chinese officials condemn the Dalai Lama as a dangerous "splittist" seeking to separate Tibet from China, and have called him a "devil with a human face." The Dalai Lama fled Tibet in 1959 after Chinese troops crushed an uprising in the capital city of Lhasa, solidifying Chinese control there. The religious figure remains widely revered by Tibetans.

Kadeer, an exiled leader of China's Uighur minority group, gets similar treatment by Chinese officials and state media. An iPhone app named 10 Conditions, based on a documentary about her life, also did not appear in test searches of the App Store in China.

Apple lets developers choose in which countries' versions of the App Store to sell their products, but it is unlikely that the Kadeer and Dalai Lama apps are unavailable in China by the choice of their makers. The app about Kadeer was submitted to the App Stores in all countries, James Boldiston, the app's developer, said in an e-mail. Other developers said they could not recall if they had excluded China, but most had other apps for sale in the China store, showing that in other cases they had included the country.

"Given that Apple has cooperated with China before (by not distributing games), it's of course very likely that it's Apple, not the developers, that are preventing certain apps from appearing," said one China-based app developer, who asked not to be named, in an e-mail. Games were not sold in the China App Store before recent months.

Boldiston and other developers of the missing items said Apple had not told them their apps were unavailable in China.

"I didn't know the app had been pulled, and wasn't informed," said James Sugrue, who designed the Dalai Quotes app. "Apple reserve[s] the right to do this sort of thing, and while from a censorship point of view I disagree with this, I can understand why they did," he said.

Apple joins other U.S. technology giants including Yahoo and Google that have come under fire for complying with Chinese government demands on sensitive political issues. Human rights advocates criticized Yahoo when Shi Tao, a Chinese journalist, landed a 10-year prison sentence in 2005 partly because of e-mail evidence gained from his private Yahoo account. Yahoo said it was obeying Chinese law by handing the evidence to authorities.

Google has been criticized for offering a censored version of its search engine for China at Google.cn, which blocks pornographic and some politically sensitive search results. Google has similarly said it must follow local laws and regulations.

Chinese authorities previously took aim at Apple last year during the Beijing Olympics, when the U.S. iTunes Music Store was blocked in China after it started selling a new collection of songs about Tibet. The U.S. iTunes Music Store and App Store are both currently accessible from Beijing.

The Chinese iPhone also appears to be subject to the country's set of Internet controls known by critics as the "Great Firewall." Searching the App Store for "Falun Gong," the name of a spiritual sect banned in China as a cult, caused iPhones in the Beijing Apple Store to display a results loading screen indefinitely, though no Falun Gong apps appear to be offered in any countries. In contrast, searches for other terms quickly returned a results page.

Other iPhone apps that might be seen as sensitive by Chinese authorities are still offered in the China App Store. Apps that, for instance, show YouTube videos or let users update their Twitter accounts remain available even though YouTube and Twitter are blocked on the Internet in China.

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Former Czech President Vaclav Havel on President Obama's Postponement of his Meeting with the Dalai Lama...

Former Czech President Vaclav Havel, in an interview with Foreign Policy Magazine on December 9 2009
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A27

FP: After President Obama's decision to postpone his meeting with the Dalai Lama, you said something to the effect that these small gestures seem harmless, but over time can have a powerful, cumulative effect. For the hardhearted realists, can you explain that effect?

Havel: We know this from our modern history. When [French Prime Minister Edouard] Daladier returned from the [1938] Munich conference, the whole nation was applauding him for saving the peace. He made a miniscule compromise in the interest of peace. But it was the beginning of a chain of evil that subsequently brought about many millions of deaths. We can't just say, "This is just a small compromise that can be overlooked. First we will go to China and then perhaps talk with the Dalai Lama." . . .

FP: You make it sound so easy. But how, as president, do you decide when these small compromises are worth it and when they might lead to something more dangerous?

Havel: Politics . . . means, every day making some compromises, and to choose between one evil and another evil, and to decide which is bigger and which is smaller. But sometimes, some of these compromises could be very dangerous because it could be the beginning of the road of making a lot of other compromises, which are results of the first one, and there are very dangerous compromises. And it's necessary, I think, to have the feeling which compromise is possible to do and which, could be, maybe, after ten years, could be somehow very dangerous.

I will illustrate this with my own experience. Two days after I was elected president, I invited the Dalai Lama to visit. I was the first head of the state who invited him in this way, directly. And everybody was saying that it was a terribly dangerous act and issued their disapproving statements and expressions. But it was a ritual matter. Later, the Chinese deputy prime minister and the foreign minister came for a visit and brought me a pile of books about the Dalai Lama and some governmental documents about what good care they have taken of Tibet, and so on. They were propagandist, fabricated books, but he felt the need to explain something to me.

I had a press conference with this minister of foreign affairs. And he said, "It was wonderful, meeting, because we were speaking openly. Mr. Havel gave me his opinion, and I explained the opinion of our government. I gave him this book, and he thanked me for it."

This was unbelievable! Why did they feel the need to explain their point of view to the leader of such a small nation? Because they respect it when someone is standing his ground, when someone is not afraid of them. When someone soils his pants prematurely, then they do not respect you more for it.

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Founder of Tibetan cultural website sentenced to 15 years in closed-door trial in freedom of expression case...

International Campaign for Tibet
November 16, 2009

unchok Tsephel, an official in a Chinese government environmental department and founder of the influential Tibetan literary website, Chodme (‘Butter-Lamp’, www.tibetcm.com), has been sentenced to 15 years in prison on charges of disclosing state secrets, according to reports from Tibet received by Tibetan exiles. Some of the charges are believed to relate to content on his website, which aims to protect Tibetan culture, and passing on information about last year’s protests in Tibet.

The news emerged as US President Obama made a pointed reference during his visit to China about the importance of free flow of information and uncensored internet access. Speaking to students in Shanghai today as part of a week-long visit to Asia, President Obama said: “I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable.”

Thirty-nine year old Kunchok Tsephel was detained in the early hours of the morning on February 26. His house was ransacked and his computer, camera and mobile phone seized. His family had no idea where he was until last week, according to the same sources. They were summoned to court on November 12 to hear the verdict of 15 years imprisonment after a closed-door trial at the Intermediate People’s Court of Kanlho (Chinese: Gannan) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Gansu province.

Kunchok Tsephel, who was born into a nomadic family in 1970 in Machu (Chinese: Maqu) county, Gannan, the eastern Tibetan area of Amdo, is fluent in Tibetan, English and Chinese. He studied English and Chinese languages at Beijing Nationality University and from 1997-99, continued to study English at North Western Nationality University in Lanzhou. In 2004, he was recruited as a Tibetan and English language teacher at the Tibetan Nationality Middle School in Machu, in addition to his work for the Chinese government environmental department. He founded his website on Tibetan arts and literature in 2005, together with a young Tibetan poet Kyabchen Dedrol. The website, which was shut down by the authorities several times over the past few years, was self-funded with a mission of promoting Tibetan arts and literature.

According to his friends, Kunchok Tsephel is in poor health after nine months of detention and interrogation and there are fears for his welfare. Until his detention, he provided the main source of income for his family; his wife, who is also a government worker, is currently caring for their sick daughter.

Kunchok Tsephel had undergone an earlier period of detention in 1995 linked to suspicion of involvement in political activities. He was tortured and interrogated but protested his innocence and was released without charge after two months.

One of Kunchok Tsephel’s close friends, who is now in exile, said today: “His family has endured nine months of agonizing waiting after Kunchok disappeared in February. Now they are even more distraught by this long sentence. Because the charges related to state secrets, they do not even know why Kunchok has been sentenced to 15 years, and he has been denied access to a lawyer.”

The Chinese government does not need to define what constitutes a ‘state secret.’ ‘State secrets’ laws and regulations are implemented through Communist Party controlled-government bodies that work together with state security, and through criminal laws, to create an opaque system that controls the classification of—and criminalizes the disclosure or possession of—state secrets.

The human rights monitoring organisation Human Rights in China states: “Tight control over this system by the government bureaucracy, headed by the National Administration for the Protection of State Secrets, gives the Chinese Communist Party leadership the power to classify any information it desires as a state secret and thereby keep or - even if it is already public - remove it from circulation. This information includes the state secrets laws and regulations themselves, and without public dissemination of these laws, it is exceptionally difficult for individuals to know for sure when they are violated. Instead of the ‘harmonious society’ being called for by Chinese leaders, what remains is a controlled society where critical voices pay a heavy price.” (‘State Secrets: China's Legal Labyrinth,’ a report by Human Rights in China, June 12, 2007, http://hrichina.org/public/contents/press?revision%5fid=41505&item%5fid=41500).

Since protests broke out across Tibet in March 2008, the Chinese government has stepped up efforts to silence Tibetans from speaking about the unrest, and have strengthened attempts to cover up the torture, disappearances and killings that have been part of the crackdown. New campaigns directed against Tibetan culture and religion have been initiated, and now almost any expression of Tibetan identity not directly sanctioned by the state can be branded as ‘reactionary’ or ‘splittist’ and penalized with a long prison sentence, or worse. Tibetan intellectuals, writers and bloggers who have expressed views about the situation have been at increasing risk and a number have ‘disappeared’ or sentenced to prison terms (http://www.savetibet.org/media-center/ict-news-reports/fears-missing-tibetan-writer-continued-crackdown-writers-and-artists).

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Two Tibetans convicted of arson and sentenced to death in April were executed on Tuesday morning in Lhasa...

Jane McCartney in Beijing
Times Online (UK)
October 23, 2009

Tibetan exiles have reported the first executions of those convicted for last year's riot in Lhasa, with at least two people put to death in a rare implementation of capital punishment in the restive region.

Two Tibetans convicted of arson and sentenced to death in April were executed on Tuesday morning in Lhasa, reported The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy based in the Indian town of Dharamsala - the home in exile of the Dalai Lama.

It said Lobsang Gyaltsen and Loyak had been sentenced to death for their part in setting fire to five shops in the Tibetan capital, killing seven people, in the riot that rocked Lhasa in March 2008. Officials say 21 people - including three Tibetan protesters - died in the violence, which embarrassed Beijing just as it was preparing to stage the Olympic Games and prompted a security crackdown across the Himalayan region.

The body of Mr Gyaltsen had been returned to his family and then submitted to a river burial - an unusual form of funeral rite that is more common in southeastern Tibet. Sky burial is the usual ceremony in Lhasa. The ashes of Loyak were returned to his family, the centre said.

The centre reported that two other people may also have been executed. One had been sentenced to death, suspended for two years, a form that in almost all cases amount to life in prison. The fourth had been jailed for life.

The use of the death penalty has been extremely rare in Tibet over the last two decades, apparently amid anxiety that such punishments could set off renewed outbursts of anti-Chinese unrest.

In September, 1987, two Tibetans were executed after a public rally in the Lhasa sports stadium that 14,000 people - mostly government workers - were required to attend. While those executed were convicted of ordinary criminal offences, the timing was believed to convey a political message to Tibetans since it came just a week after the Dalai Lama had unveiled a peace plan in Washington.

Within days, Lhasa erupted in violence when Tibetans rushed through the streets calling on the Chinese to leave Tibet and set fire to a police station opposite the Jokhang Temple in the city centre on October 1. More riots followed in early 1988 and in 1989, when martial law was imposed in the city.

The next executions were not until 1990 when two Tibetans accused of planning a jailbreak after receiving suspended death sentences on murder charges were shot by firing squad. Internal court documents showed the pair had also started a pro-independence cell while in prison, along with other inmates.

The only other reported executions came during a nationwide crackdown on crime in 1996. State media said 29 people, including 18 Tibetans, were put to death in various Tibetan cities. Across China, more than 2,200 people were executed in that 'Strike Hard' campaign.

In the only politically linked execution to be publicly acknowledged, nomad Lobsang Dondup was executed in January 2003 in a Tibetan area of neighbouring Sichuan province for a series of bomb attacks over the previous four years.

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Australian university cancels Dalai Lama award

By Rowan Dix
ABC - Radio Australia News

An Australian university has denied it was pressured by the Chinese government into withdrawing an honorary degree for the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

The Dalai Lama is due to visit the University of Tasmania at the end of the year.

University's vice-chancellor Professor Daryl Le Grew says the spiritual leader's website was incorrect in reporting he would receive an honorary doctorate.

Australian Greens Party leader, Bob Brown, says he suspects the offer was withdrawn after a meeting with the Chinese consulate.

"So let's have it out in the open. I don't think Australians like that very much at all," the politician said.

But Professor Le Grew says the university decided not to proceed with the degree nomination before a meeting with representatives from the Chinese consulate.

He says the Dalai Lama's visit later this year will celebrate a successful Buddhist studies exchange program.

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Dalai Lama Receives US Civil Rights Award

By Paul Westpheling
VOA News

The Dalai Lama, spiritual leader of six million Tibetans, has been named recipient of the 2009 International Freedom Award.

Given by the (U.S.) National Civil Rights Museum, the Dalai Lama is cited for his "steadfast commitment to protecting and defending the rights of the oppressed people of Tibet and elsewhere in the world."

The Dalai Lama

Announcing the award, the National Civil Rights Movement board chair Benjamin L Hooks described the Dalai Lama as "a living example of Martin Luther King and (Mahatma) Ghandi's non-violence in the face of political oppression and suffering.

"We've given this award since 1991 to people who have made a total commitment to making sure that the world is a better place," Museum spokeswoman Gwen Harmon told VOA. "For us, the Dalai Lama speaks to that mission totally."

The Dalai Lama will receive the award in a ceremony on Sept. 23 at the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tenn.

The National Civil Rights Museum chronicles the struggle for equality in the United States. It was built adjacent to the Lorraine Motel, where civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., was assassinated on April 4, 1968.

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Family Fear for Detained Tibetan Filmmaker Dhondup Wangchen; Beijing Lawyer Barred from Case

London, 20th July 2009

The wife and cousin of detained Tibetan filmmaker Dhondup Wangchen have expressed serious concern for his health and treatment in prison and called on the international community for help. According to recent information, Wangchen suffers from Hepatitis B and receives no medical treatment in detention. Wangchen's family appointed lawyer in Beijing, under government pressure, has been forced to drop the case.

"Before hearing this latest news, I hadn't had any news about Dhondup Wangchen for over a year", said Lhamo Tso, Wangchen's wife living in exile in Dharamsala, north India. "Ive always known him to be a healthy and active person, I cannot imagine what terrible torture he has gone through in Chinese custody. Knowing that he is receiving no treatment for Hepatitis B makes me fear for his life, I dare not tell our four children here about his condition", Lhamo Tso continued.

Wangchen, 35, has been in detention since March 26, 2008, for filming interviews with ordinary Tibetans on their views on the Olympic Games, the Dalai Lama and Chinese government policies in Tibet. The interviews were made into a documentary film Leaving Fear Behind and first shown to journalists in Beijing two days before the start of the Olympics in August 2008.

"Dhondup Wangchen has committed no crime and should not be in prison at all", said Gyaljong Tsetrin, Wangchen's cousin based in Zurich, Switzerland." Documenting the views of ordinary people is a basic human right and freedom of expression is guaranteed in Chinese law. The Chinese government has shown no regard for rule of law and has even barred an independent lawyer from taking up this case. Therefore I call upon human rights organisations and supporters all over the world to urge their government representatives in Beijing to pressure the Chinese government to unconditionally release Dhondup Wangchen."

To date, Leaving Fear Behind has been shown in over 30 countries worldwide and further translated into many foreign languages including French, Spanish, German, Polish, Hungarian, Japanese and Chinese. International organisations who have so far expressed concern about Wangchen include Human Rights Watch, Reporters Without Borders and Amnesty International.

Contact:
English: Dechen Pemba: +44 (0) 77 848 23907
German: Tenzin Tsedoen: +41 (0)79 384 05 63
Tibetan: Gyaljong Tsetrin: +41 (0) 76 462 67 68

media@leavingfearbehind.com
http://leavingfearbehind.com/take-action.html

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China's Latest Tibet - Why Beijing won't Compromise in Xinjiang

From: www.foreignpolicy.com
By John Lee

Posted Jul 6, 2009

After scolding the West for interfering in the internal affairs of Iran, Beijing's public relations department will now be on the defensive following riots in Urumqi, the capital of the westernmost region of Xinjiang. Chinese state media has admitted that 140 people have been killed and almost 1,000 arrested. Hundreds had taken to the streets to protest the local government's handling of a clash between Han Chinese and Uighur factory workers in far southern China in late June, in which two Uighurs died. The police responded to the rallies with force, claiming that the unrest was the work of extremist forces abroad and that a heavy reaction was necessary to bring the situation under control.

Given the region's population of 20 million -- barely 1.5 percent of the country's people -- many are wondering: Why has Beijing taken such a hard line in Xinjiang? The reason is summed up in one of the ruling party's favorite mantras: "stability of state." Unrest of even a small magnitude, the Chinese authorities believe, can spell big consequences if it spirals out of control.

Instability of the sort in Xinjiang today is hardly new for China. Behind Shanghai's glamour and the magnificence of Beijing, there are large swaths of disunity and disorder. Taiwan, which mainland China still claims as its own, remains recalcitrant and effectively autonomous. Residents of Hong Kong want guarantees that Beijing will not dismantle the rights they enjoyed under British colonial rule. And traditional Tibetans, who fear a complete political and religious takeover by the ethnically Han majority, want cultural and administrative autonomy -- even if most have abandoned hopes of achieving outright secession. Many of the 10 million Uighurs in Xinjiang want the same. The current violence is just the latest manifestation of their simmering anger.

There is widespread disorder even in provinces that pose no challenge to Beijing's right to rule. In 2005, for example, there were 87,000 officially recorded instances of unrest (defined as those involving 15 or more people) -- up from just a few thousand incidents a decade ago. Most protests are overwhelmingly spontaneous rather than political; they arise out of frustration among the 1 billion or so "have-nots" who deal with illegal taxes, land grabs, corrupt officials, and so on. To deal with the strife, Beijing has built up a People's Armed Police of some 800,000 and written several Ph.D.-length manuals to counsel officials on how to manage protests. Those documents detail options to deal with protest leaders: namely the tactical use of permissiveness and repression, and compromise and coercion, on a case-by-case basis. The tactics are designed to take the fuel out of the fire. Sometimes leaders of protests are taken away; other times they are paid off; still other times they are given what they want.

Much of this is done quietly, which is perhaps why the current riots stand out. When it comes to what Beijing sees as separatist behavior, subtlety is no longer an option. Although their populations are relatively small, Xinjiang and Tibet together constitute one third of the Chinese land mass, and Beijing will not tolerate losing control over these territories. To be sure, the protesters in Urumqi and their supporters cannot spark an uprising throughout China. The protests will eventually be quelled, and their leaders will no doubt be dealt with brutally. But as the history of the Chinese Communist Party tells us, when the regime's moral and political legitimacy is threatened, the leadership almost always chooses to take a hard, uncompromising line.

President Hu Jintao, who incidentally earned early brownie points within the party by leading a crackdown of political dissidents in Tibet in 1989, understands better than anyone that authoritarian regimes appear weak at their own peril. Losing face, he believes, will only embolden the "enemies of the state." The Communist Party's Leading Group on Foreign Affairs, which is chaired by Hu, has often spoken warily about the democratic "viruses" behind the "color revolutions" in Ukraine and Georgia, and perhaps eventually Iran -- the same kind that could conceivably take root in places such as Xinjiang and Tibet. This is why Chinese authorities are deeply suspicious of any group with loyalties that might transcend the state and regime or at least cannot be easily controlled by the state, such as the Falun Gong, Catholics, or independent trade unions.

It's important to remember that, at home, the government's hard line is not wholly unpopular. Most Chinese do not support the separatist agendas of Tibet, Xinjiang, or Taiwan. They would rather see a strong and unified China restored to historic glory. No wonder then that the Chinese state media has been quite upfront about reporting on the current unrest in Urumqi.

Chinese leaders learned much about control in their extensive studies of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Their conclusion is clear: It was Mikhail Gorbachev's ill-fated attempts to be reasonable that brought down that empire. The current generation of Chinese leaders is determined not to make the same mistake. And that means no compromise in Xianjiang.

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China Angry at Australia's Dalai Lama Visit

ABC News
South Asia Correspondent Sally Sara

Posted Fri Jul 3, 2009 7:00am AEST

The Chinese Government has reacted angrily to an Australian parliamentary delegation's visit to meet Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, in India.

It is the first time a group of Australian MPs and senators has travelled to meet the Tibetan spiritual leader in the Indian hill town of Dharamsala.

The Chinese Embassy in Canberra says the visit constitutes interference in China's internal affairs.

The Dalai Lama says Tibet has been given a death sentence by the Chinese Government.

"No freedom of speech, no freedom of press. Their own people put in dark. It is, I think, immoral," he said.

The Dalai Lama spent more than an hour meeting with members of the first Australian parliamentary delegation to visit him in Dharamsala.

He thanked the all party group of MPs and senators for their support.

"Usually I describe our supporters not like pro-Tibetan, but rather pro-justice," he said.

Labor MP Michael Danby says several members of the delegation are hoping to travel to Tibet later in the year during an official visit to China.

"If the Parliament asks the Chinese Government to allow this group to go, I don't see why they shouldn't be," he said.

"They would be breaking their word and I'm sure the Chinese Government wouldn't like to be seen to be doing that."

The delegation expressed its support for the Dalai Lama's middle way approach of autonomy rather than independence for Tibet.

The Chinese Embassy in Canberra has condemned the Australian visit, saying it constitutes interference in China's internal affairs.

Fifty years after the Dalai Lama fled Tibet, more activists are continuing to arrive in Dharamsala.

The Australian delegation visited a new arrivals centre and met one man who says he was shot by Chinese forces during a protest in March last year.

He told the delegation he thought he was going to die because he was bleeding so heavily.

On Monday, the Dalai Lama will celebrate his 74th birthday and he remains hopeful of returning home.

"Even some of my friends, Tibetan, are now 90 years old. Some, even [though] they [are] also still waiting, one day [will] go back," he said.

"So then I compare them who [are] already in [their] 90s. So I am a bit younger."

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America's Tortured China Policy

Phayul [Wednesday, May 13, 2009 23:27]
By Maura Moynihan


When Americans discovered that the Bush Administration used torture techniques detailed in a Chinese Communist military manual from the 1950’s, citizens and legislators across the nation were outraged and demanded an investigation. Torture is illegal in the United States, and President Obama has stated that torture does not reflect American values.

In the People’s Republic of China there is no such public debate, for in China’s totalitarian dictatorship, soon to celebrate 60 years in power, torture is an integral part of governance.

So why does the United States of America continue to relocate manufacturing, sell T-Bills and hand over all manner of high-tech hardware to the Chinese Communist Party, a regime that routinely tortures Buddhist monks, AIDS activists, bloggers and labor organizers? Has America’s policy of “constructive engagement” with China deteriorated into craven appeasement of a vast totalitarian dictatorship? Our close relationship with China is deemed “vital” to preserving the global economic order, but it has entangled America in a policy that is both morally repugnant and politically dangerous.

As America and China have become close friends and trading partners in recent years, America’s democratic institutions have been dangerously attacked. We have witnessed a shocking erosion of civil liberties and press freedom, the doctrine of “pre-emptive war” and a vigorous effort to legalize torture. Is it merely coincidence? The tragic legacy of allowing bankers to dictate foreign policy? Those Wall Street analysts whose passion for de-regulation created the global economic crisis are the same fellows who for years predicted that market capitalism would magically give rise to democracy in China. Now the global economy is collapsing, China is becoming more repressive and playing tough with every neighbor and trading partner, and getting its way. Where's the free press and independent judiciary that the MacDonald’s Corporation was supposed to fabricate?

If you wish to study the grotesque particulars of Communist China’s torture techniques, study Tibet. Human rights researchers have for decades agreed that China uses Tibet as a torture laboratory, to develop and practice torture methods of extreme cruelty, a reminder to all free-thinking Tibetans that the totalitarian order prevails, and anyone who challenges it will be shackled, whipped, beaten, starved and killed.

Torture in Tibet has increased as an instrument of state policy under China’ “Strike Hard” policy – implemented in 1995, moments after the Clinton Administration de-linked trade and human rights. Tibetan civilians, of all ages, are routinely arrested and tortured for such crimes as waving the Tibetan flag or proclaiming allegiance to the Dalai Lama. New videos and film of men, women and children killed under torture have streamed out of Tibet since the populist uprising of March 2008. The Chinese Communist torture tactics dating from the Korea War are not only still in use, they have been enhanced by new technologies, in particular, electric batons and wires.

Nonetheless, policy makers in the west continue to de-link the obscene record of barbarism in China’s Tibet from the “constructive engagement” myth. Meanwhile, China is exploiting the economic crisis to push human rights and Tibet off the table, and is aggressively punishing heads of state who have the temerity to meet the Dalai Lama, the distinguished Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. Many heads of state are bending to Beijing’s will. Support for Tibet is eroding, as foundations, academies and governmental agencies discreetly cancel funding for projects linked to the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. The Dalai Lama’s popularity does not translate into tangible support for his people; the Tibetan refugees hang by a slender thread, which cannot hold indefinitely.

The disastrous misreading of the nature of the Communist China regime has western powers ensnarled in a policy morass. A new report from the European Council on Foreign Relations states: “The EU’s China strategy is based on an anachronistic belief that China, under the influence of European engagement, will liberalize its economy, improve the rule of law and democratize its politics. Yet ... China’s foreign and domestic policy has evolved in a way that has paid little heed to European values, and today Beijing regularly contravenes or even undermines them.”

For decades Chinese soldiers have slaughtered men, women and children in Tibet as heads of state looked away in uncomfortable silence. China's barbarous treatment of a helpless civilian populace in Tibet exposes the uncomfortable truth that China remains a rigid totalitarian state. 30 years of market capitalism and foreign investment did not nurture democracy; it made the Chinese Communist Party rich and powerful.

America spent billions to fight communism in the former Soviet Union, while investing billions in the People’s Republic of China. America has become the Chinese Communist Party’s chief enabler and ally. As the economic crisis threatens the supremacy of the western powers, China is poised to become global emperor, and will likely accrue more power in the Maoist way; from the barrel of a gun. How will the United States and other NATO powers respond should China strike hard on India, Taiwan, Japan, or the West? What cards will the western powers have to play, when it was western corporations who willingly handed China our computer codes and surveillance cameras in the quest for profit?

Chin Jin, of the Federation for a Democratic China, journeyed to Dharamsala to stand with the Dalai Lama on March 10th 2009, the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising. On his last day in India, Chin Jin recalled; “I was a teenager in Shanghai in 1972, when Nixon came to China. An elderly friend of my father’s started to cry when Nixon came, he said, ‘now the USA has come to the rescue of the Communist Party, and this will prolong the suffering of the Chinese people for many more years.’ He was right. If the western powers don’t use their leverage to promote political reform in China, if they keep this dictatorship in power, it will be a tragedy not only for the Chinese and Tibetan people, but the world.”

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PRC's 60th anniversary a chance to review Tiananmen event: Dalai Lama

Phayu l[Thursday, June 04, 2009 11:22]

Dharamsala, June 4 – The 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China presents a great opportunity for the People’s Republic of China to review the events of June 4,1989, said His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

In message issued on the 20th anniversary of the Tiananemen Square students’ democracy movement of 1989, the Tibetan leader who is currently on Europe tour, expressed his respects for those who died fighting for democracy. The Tibetan leader said the students were not against communism or socialism. “Their speaking out in defence of the Chinese people’s constitutional rights, in favour of democracy, and taking a stand against corruption, truly conformed to the underlying beliefs of the Chinese Communist government.”

His Holiness expressed hopes that the Chinese leaders have “the courage and far-sightedness to embrace more truly egalitarian principles and pursue a policy of greater accommodation and tolerance of diverse views.

A policy of openness and realism can lead to greater trust and harmony within China and enhance its international standing as a truly great nation, the Tibetan leader who won the Nobel Peace Prize in the same year added.

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China intensifies restriction on religious activities during holy month in Tibet

By Phurbu Thinley

Chinese government has stepped up restrictions on the religious activities of Tibetans in the capital Lhasa as they observe the Buddhist holy month of Saka Dawa, according to a report on Tibetan Government-in-Exile website.

In Dharamsala, the seat of Tibetan Government-in-Exile in India, hundreds of Tibetan Buddhists, including monks and nuns, have been regularly gathering and offering prayers at the Tsuglag-khang, the main Tibetan temple here, from May 25 that marked the beginning of the holy month.

Meanwhile, the concerned government offices in Lhasa had convened meetings of staff members and people under their respective jurisdictions and subsequently issued strict orders, particularly to students and government officials not to visit temples during the festival, sources in Tibet informed the exile government.

The restrictions come ahead of Saka Dawa festival, which is celebrated on the 15th (full moon) day of the fourth Tibetan month, when hundreds and thousands of Tibetan Buddhists flock to holy sites to offer prayers and engage in meritorious spiritual activities. The annual festival celebrates the three most important events of the life of Lord Buddha - his birth, enlightenment and parinirvana.

The report said the normal life of people in Lhasa has been affected as the Chinese government has sent in more security forces and deployed a large number of intelligence officials across the city.

The authorities also are carefully examining the details of foreign tourists visiting the region, the report said.

Part of the investigation also includes asking questions about whether any member of a family who had earlier visited India or anyone who has now returned to Tibet, it added.

According to the report, those families who have relatives and children in India and in other foreign countries are being asked to provide their conditions and contact details.

Starting from March 2008, the concerned offices have conducted at least eight rounds of such investigations and more than ten times by the village committees, the report cited sources as saying.

Such intensified restrictions were not new in Tibet under Chinese rule.

Restrictions and prohibitions are regularly imposed on religious ceremonies and sensitive anniversaries. Apart from politically sensitive anniversary like March 10 Tibetan Uprising Day, China has also acted with equally heightened vigilance during mass occasions like Losar (Tibetan New Year), Monlam Chenmo (The Great Prayer Festival), Birthday of His Holiness the Dalai lama and the 11th Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, and other similar events.

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MPs' trip to see the Dalai Lama angers Chinese

The Sydney Morning Herald
Cynthia Banham Diplomatic Editor


TENSIONS between China and Australia will increase with the visit next month by federal parliamentarians to Dharamsala in India, where the Tibetan community in exile is based, to meet the Dalai Lama.

It will be the first such visit by a delegation of Australian MPs, and is expected to prompt protests by a Chinese Government already annoyed that Australia is considering a request by the US to resettle a group of Chinese Muslim Uygurs being held at Guantanamo Bay.

The unofficial delegation comprises the Labor MPs Michael Danby and Melissa Parke, the Liberal MP Peter Slipper, the independent senator Nick Xenophon, and the Greens senators Scott Ludlam and Sarah Hanson-Young.

The delegation will also have meetings with officials in New Delhi to discuss the recent attacks against Indian students in Australia, which have caused a diplomatic headache for Canberra.

Mr Danby, who has long campaigned for the human rights of Tibetans and is heading the delegation, said of the reason for the visit: "A lot of us feel that the non-violent struggle of the Tibetan people to preserve their culture and identity and their very modest political aims for cultural autonomy within the Chinese state is something that we identify with for different reasons."

Over the six-day visit the group will have meetings with the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan Parliament, the Tibetan cabinet, as well as newly arrived refugees and former political prisoners. On July 6 the group will take part in the public celebration of the Dalai Lama's 74th birthday.

"This is a significant step in Australia's support for a peaceful resolution of the Tibetan situation," Mr Danby said. "It is also a unique opportunity for Australian parliamentarians to learn first-hand about the challenges facing the Tibetan people and Tibetan culture."

The news of the visit follows Chinese Government demands that the Federal Government decline the request by the US President, Barack Obama, to take up to 10 Uygurs captured during the Afghanistan war in 2001 and sent to Guantanamo Bay, but were cleared for release more than four years ago.

"The protesters at the time were calling for less corruption, greater media freedom and greater openness in government, and these of course remain challenges with which the Chinese government today is grappling," Mr Rudd said. "It remains the Australian Government's view that it is in our national interest to further develop a broad and substantive relationship with China, and within the relationship the question of human rights is an important dimension. Australia continues to raise our concerns about human rights with China."


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Chinese consulate hoodwinks Melbourne city, says ATC

By Kalsang Rinchen - From Phayul

Dharamsala June 3 - Chinese Consulate has deceived the residents of Melbourne on Eve of Tiananmen Massacre Anniversary, said the Australia Tibet Council (ATC) today.

Melbourne Town Hall will today host a photo exhibition funded and organized by the Chinese Government purporting to show the “democratic reform and social and economic development of Tibet, China in the past 50 years”.

The booking for the exhibition, titled “Tibet’s Past and Present”, was made under false pretences by Chinese-Australian businessman Anson Hong, Chairman of the National Liaison Council of Chinese Australians - an organization with strong links to the Chinese Communist Party. An invitation procured by the Australia Tibet Council revealed that Mr. Hong had acted as a proxy for the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in Melbourne.

The exhibition, a central component in a state-driven initiative to shape international perceptions of the Tibetan situation, has been shown in a number of countries including China, Canada and South Korea. It was recently withdrawn from the Canberra Centre after a series of complaints to the venue and the Canberra Times.

Australia Tibet Council claims the exhibition grossly misrepresents the realities in modern Tibet and is potentially damaging towards ongoing efforts to promote dialogue and reconciliation between Australia’s Tibetan and Han Chinese communities. ATC recently published a report which reveals the alarming extent of covert efforts by Chinese Government officials in Australia to influence Australian politicians, media, NGOs and universities.

“This exhibition is a blatant example of the Chinese Government’s determination to avoid dealing with the Tibetan issue. Instead of addressing the legitimate concerns of the Tibetan people, the Chinese Government persists with its attempt to deny the existence of the problem and mislead the international community about the real situation in Tibet,” said Paul Bourke, Executive Officer of the Australia Tibet Council.

Officials at the City of Melbourne were unaware till yesterday of the exhibition’s link to the Chinese Government. The booking was made directly with Epicure Catering, the company contracted by the City of Melbourne to manage the Town Hall, and was being handled as a commercial booking. A staff member at the City of Melbourne, on condition of anonymity, conceded that they had been “hoodwinked” by Mr. Hong over the exhibition. Nonetheless, contractors Epicure Catering have chosen to proceed with the exhibition and the City of Melbourne has refused to intervene.

Revelation of the exhibition, advertised only through the Chinese language media, has drawn strong objections from Melbourne’s Tibetan community.

“We are very concerned and upset that Melbourne Town Hall is giving legitimacy to this exhibition. It is deeply insensitive and inflammatory towards our community and we appeal in the strongest possible terms to the City of Melbourne to intervene,” said Samdup Tsering, President of the Tibetan Community Association of Victoria.

The Chinese Consulate General in Melbourne sent invitations for the exhibition’s opening to members of the Victorian Parliament and local councils. Members of the Victorian Parliament and Melbourne City Council have since been advised of the nature of the exhibition and are discouraged from attending.

Chinese dissident groups have also expressed concern at the timing of the exhibition, which opens on the eve of the politically sensitive 20th anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre of June 4, 1989.

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Tibetan nun gives account of rape in custody

ICT Report

A Tibetan former nun in her thirties has given a harrowing account of her rape by Chinese Peoples Armed Police (PAP) officers after she was caught attempting to escape from Tibet near the border with Nepal. Although the incident happened four years ago, in September 2005, the pattern of abuse the former nun describes is consistent with other reports of the treatment of Tibetans caught attempting to escape into exile. Numerous Tibetan sources report facing torture and hard labor when caught by PAP border security during the journey into exile or from Nepal, although cases of rape appear to be less common.

The Tibetan woman, who has now arrived in India and asked for full details of her identity to be withheld, told ICT that she was first detained in a village near the border called Kuchar in Burang (Chinese: Purang) County, with another six people from her village in Ngari Prefecture, the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), including two children. They were arrested by the PAP border security at the border and taken to a border security facility somewhere near Burang County. Tenzin, 38, had escaped earlier into exile so that she could practice her religion freely. She was educated at Bir Suja school run by the Tibetan government in exile for three years, then moved to a monastery in Dharamsala where nuns can also study.

In 2005, her father became very sick and her family asked her to travel back to Tibet to see him. She did so, and stayed there for three months. It was when she was attempting to escape back to India that she was detained by PAP security.

Tenzin said: "About two weeks after I returned to see my father, they [the local authorities] somehow came to know that I came from India. Then they started visiting my house very frequently and asked me questions like: Why did I go to India? What is the reason to come back again? They also took me to a place that looks like an army barracks and also to the township headquarters for interrogation. The Chinese authorities are increasingly suspicious of Tibetans who attend Tibetan government in exile-run schools and religious institutes, as they consider them to have been influenced by ideas of separatism."

Tenzin continued: "It was so disturbing that I could not stay in peace. When other people go back to their country, it is supposed to be a time of happiness and family reunion. But for me and for all Tibetans, there is no way that we can enjoy family reunion and moment of happiness of returning to our homelands. It is like a hell of the world, I really mean that, all those ordeals I faced it is really like hell in the world. I don't think that even after I died, I would know such an ordeal."

Tenzin prepared to escape and traveled to the border area of Burang where she and her group were stopped by five soldiers at a checkpoint. Speaking in Chinese, they told Tenzin and the others to get out of the car and show their identity cards. They were then taken to a nearby army barracks, which Tenzin describes as being at least two hours drive away. She said: "I was taken to a very dark room. There was one Tibetan soldier, who asked me if I was a nun" [Tenzin's head was shaved, but she was wearing laymans clothing].
I replied yes, then he said: "You are Dalai's running dog, you betrayed our great nation. They then beat me with whatever they had in their hands, with batons and army belts. Later on I could feel nothing as my body was numb due to the beatings and kicking, and I fell unconscious , but what was worse than the beating was to hear a Tibetan soldier calling me Dalai Lama's running dog. How can a Tibetan do that?"

Tenzin found herself in another cell, handcuffed, when she regained consciousness. They had separated her from the group she was with and began to interrogate them all separately, asking why they had come back from India.

After five days of interrogation and beatings, Tenzin and the rest of the group were transferred to a detention center. She says: "For many days they locked me up in a solitary confinement cell which was big enough for only one person. Both my arms and feet were handcuffed to a wooden bed. Then one night the light was switched off, and two prison guards came into the cell and told me that I had to take some medicine. I said I was not going to take any medicine. I thought that time that they were going to kill me by giving me that medicine. So I struggled to shake my head while they were forcing to put the medicine to my mouth but they forced me to swallow it down by pouring water into my mouth and blocking my nose by pressing it. [The type of medicine or drug given to Tenzin is not known.] After that, two guards went out and chatting with each other outside the cell. Then moments later they came in, and I sensed something bad was going to happen, I screamed as loud as I could in the hope that someone would come to stop them. But all was in vain, one of the guards covered my head with his coat and was trying to stop me from screaming while the other raped me. Later I fell unconscious. I dont know if that was because of the medicine they gave me or out of fear. I could not feel anything, especially the lower part of my body."
Tenzin considered trying to kill herself, but says that her feelings of guilt about the two children in the group were too strong. When she asked the guards to let her meet the children, as she was responsible for taking them to India, the border guards told her that because she had tried to make the children Dalai's running dog she deserved what was happening to her.

Tenzin was transferred to a police department in the Ngari region for seven days and then to a labor re-education camp, láodòng jiàoyng , abbreviated láojiào ). This is a system of administrative detention that is generally used to detain persons for minor crimes such as petty theft or crimes against the state for periods of up to four years. Re-education through labor sentences are given by police, rather than through the judicial system. One of the Tibetan officials told her: "Your brain became very dirty and needs to be cleaned. You betrayed our nation by becoming Dalai’s running dog. So you have to clean your thoughts. You are going to a labor camp, where you will study and work, and you have been sentenced to three years."

She said: "For the first eight days in the labor camp, they locked me in a solitary confinement [cell] with hands handcuffed, and no any water at all, except a small amount of food that was hard to eat. After that, they (the prison authorities) told me that I had to study and work, and undergo military training as well. The study that they meant is that I had to confess what I did was wrong, actually I did nothing wrong but having been to India, and be obedient to what they say."
Tenzin became very ill in prison due to the poor conditions, torture and lack of food. She says she was finally released after approximately a year because the authorities feared that she might die in prison. Her family spent almost all of their savings, approximately 20,000 yuan ($2,900) on medical treatment for Tenzin. She says: "After some months of treatment at different hospitals including the People’s Hospital in Lhasa I was well enough to go home. But my mind could not be at peace, because officials came to visit my family so often. They told me that whenever I had to leave town, I had to report to the township leader." This intense surveillance and kinds of restrictions are common for released prisoners, and lead to the escape of many into exile. Monks and nuns who have been imprisoned are not allowed to return to their religious institutions on release. Tenzin says: "Later the protests broke out in Lhasa [on March 10, 2008], which is something that we all should be proud of, but at the same time, all those educated Tibetans, those Tibetans who love Tibet, those elites of our ethnic group, have been killed, detained, and have ‘disappeared’, that is a big loss. Our hearts are broken." Following the protests in March 2008, increased numbers of troops were deployed across the plateau and restrictions intensified in most areas.

Tenzin and her family were vulnerable due to Tenzin ’s earlier period in detention; former political prisoners are commonly singled out by the authorities at times of tension and frequently returned to custody. Officials began to visit Tenzin’s home once a day and pressed her to denounce the Dalai Lama. "In order to avoid saying anything, I told them that my health was failing due to the intimidation, and I went to a hospital in Lhasa for two months." Tenzin realized that she could no longer stay in Tibet, and despite the risks would have to escape again to India. She arrived in exile three months ago. Due to the rape in prison that she refers to as the ‘incident’, without using the specific word, she is unable to be a nun again.

She said this week: "Thanks to the blessing of Three Precious Jewels [a Buddhist term referring to the Buddha, the Dharma and the Buddhist community, sometimes referred to as ‘The Teacher, The Teaching, The Taught’], I made it to India this time. It is my bad fortune to be out of the wheel of Dharma [the spiritual path], as I can no longer be a nun. Maybe it is my karma, but still I am happy now that I can be here near His Holiness once more." Monks and nuns form a high percentage of the numbers of Tibetans who escape into exile each year, due to the Chinese government’s repression of religious practice and teachings in Tibet.

On arrival in exile, Tibetan monks and nuns are allocated places at different monasteries and nunneries in India run by the Tibetan exile authorities. While previously around 2,500 to 3,500 Tibetans have made the dangerous crossing across the Himalayas into exile in Nepal, and from there to India, each year, the number was dramatically lower in 2008.

This was a result of intensified security in the border areas due to the crackdown against the protests beginning in March, 2008. In around September, 2008, after the stepped-up security throughout China during the Olympics period, more Tibetans began to attempt the journey despite increased risks. Given the continued violent repression and stifling political atmosphere in Tibet, it is possible that more Tibetans may see no other alternative but to seek to escape Tibet in 2009 and beyond.

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Official acknowledgment of suicide of monk after protests due to ‘stress’

ICT Report

The Chinese authorities have made a rare admission that a Tibetan monk committed suicide due to ‘stress’. Forty three year old Sheldrup (named in the Chinese official statement today as Shadri), had been tortured in custody after protests at his monastery in Rebkong (Chinese: Tongren) county in Qinghai province in April 2008, although this background was not acknowledged in the report issued today by Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency.

The Xinhua report said that Sheldrup was found dead on March 9, 2009 in his monastery after hanging himself with two khatags (white blessing scarves). Details of the means of death could not be confirmed. According to the report, local police said that Sheldrup was suffering from stress due to illness and also due to deaths in his family.

According to information received from Tibetans who knew Sheldrup, he was detained following peaceful protests at his monastery on April 17, 2008, when he and several other monks demanded the release of monks detained during the initial wave of protests a month previously. He was taken into custody and beaten severely and later released. According to the same sources, the local authorities then published his name and details among others on ‘wanted’ posters, indicating he would be detained again. Sheldrup left his monastery to go into hiding, during which time his health deteriorated, and he committed suicide in March 2009, a few weeks after returning to his monastery in February. Sheldrup left Tibet in the mid-1990s to study at Ganden monastery in southern India, and returned to Tibet around 10 years later in 2006.

According to ICT’s monitoring and research, several Tibetans monks, nuns and laypeople have resorted to suicide in acts of despair and of protest. ICT has received reliable information on people who committed suicide because of the distress of being compelled to denounce the Dalai Lama, as well as others who committed suicide as an apparent direct protest against the requirement; other sources have reported that during the height of the protests in 2008, Tibetans committed suicide upon witnessing police brutality against Tibetan protestors; whereas others committed suicide to escape police brutality being inflicted upon them. (See: Tibet at a Turning Point: The Spring Uprising and China’s New Crackdown, ICT, August 2008, available for free download at: http://www.savetibet.org/documents/pdfs/Tibet_at_a_Turning+_Point.pdf)

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Bold report by Beijing scholars reveals breakdown of China’s Tibet policy;
Reflects demands for greater state and Party accountability

ICT Report

A bold and remarkable new report by a group of Chinese scholars in Beijing challenges the official position that the Dalai Lama “incited” the protests that broke out in Tibet in March 2008, and outlines key failings in the policy of the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) on Tibet.

The report is the first such analysis from inside China and comes at a time of crackdown in Tibet when the PRC government is taking an increasingly hardline position against the Dalai Lama. Read more...

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